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The discourse commitments of illocutionary reportatives

What it is about

The paper studies the reportative evidential of Cuzco Quechua, a suffix meaning roughly «I was told». A speaker can use it for a claim they then deny («They left me money, I was told — but no, they didn't leave me a sol»), so it is not an assertion; yet the reported claim can answer the question under discussion, enter discourse relations and, if nobody objects, become common ground. The solution splits the speaker, after Goffman, into the animator who utters and the principal whose commitment is conveyed. A declarative brings three defaults: the principal is committed to the content, the animator has adequate evidence, and principal = animator; together they make an assertion. The reportative overrides the last two. When the animator does not object, Walker's Collaborative Principle (disagree at once or be taken to accept) gives them a weaker, dependent commitment. The analysis is set in Farkas & Bruce's commitment-based discourse model and extended to hedges and attitude verbs in general.

Ideas

For Mova

32. Politeness and hedging §8 (epistemic modality and evidentiality), 38-dialogue-and-discourse-markers.md §7 (reported speech), 33-implicature-and-presupposition.md §7 (accommodation). Code: prag/src/frames.rs (principal of quoted frames), world/src/knowledge.rs (student memory), prag/data/cues.tsv. Measures: diagnosis counts for claims taken as facts; minimal-pair tests.

Topics: Discourse analysis · Speech act theory

Cite

The paper itself, not this card. BibTeX from the library's record of the work. DOI 10.3765/sp.12.8

@article{faller2019discourse,
  title = {{The discourse commitments of illocutionary reportatives}},
  author = {Faller, Martina T},
  journal = {Semantics and Pragmatics},
  year = {2019},
  doi = {10.3765/sp.12.8},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.3765/sp.12.8}
}

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