Mova0.5 pre-release⌕
☰
home / docs / papers / English / Anticausatives are semantically reflexive in Norwegian, but not in English

Anticausatives are semantically reflexive in Norwegian, but not in English

What it is about

The question is whether a causative sentence ("John opened the door") entails its anticausative ("The door opened"). Two analyses disagree: the decausativisation view says yes; the reflexive view says the anticausative adds the claim that the theme is an effector, so there is no entailment. Earlier tests used negation and contradiction, which mix logical and metalinguistic negation. The authors instead show short videos of caused events, with the same clips for Norwegian and English speakers, and ask a yes/no question with the anticausative verb ("Did the butter melt?"). Forty-six English and forty-two Norwegian speakers take part, with 14 verbs. English speakers answer "yes" in 92.2% of trials and show almost no effect of whether the theme or the agent is in focus (94.4% theme focus against 90% agent focus). Norwegian speakers answer "yes" in 64.4% of trials, and for unmarked verbs the "yes" rate drops from 90.5% with theme focus to 27.5% with agent focus. The authors conclude that English labile anticausatives are entailed by their causatives, and that Norwegian ones are reflexive.

Ideas

For Mova

The chapters are 13. Verbs (labile verbs and the causative alternation), 28. Voice and the passive (no by-phrase with anticausatives, the passive contrast) and 30. Pragmatics and discourse: overview (entailment against metalinguistic negation). The code is world/src/events.rs (event facts), world/src/qa.rs (yes/no answers) and en/src/dict.rs (the lexical flag). Measures: the rule's yes-rate on English items against the paper's 92.2%, a run-twice determinism check, and the abstention count on agent-focus items as the negative control. The Norwegian data are for contrast only and are not a Mova target.

Cite

The paper itself, not this card. BibTeX from the library's record of the work. DOI 10.5334/gjgl.158

@article{lundquist2016anticausatives,
  title = {{Anticausatives are semantically reflexive in Norwegian, but not in English}},
  author = {Lundquist, Björn and Corley, Martin and Tungseth, Mai and Sorace, Antonella and Ramchand, Gillian},
  journal = {Glossa: a journal of general linguistics},
  year = {2016},
  doi = {10.5334/gjgl.158},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.5334/gjgl.158}
}

References

30 references, 1 of them with a card of ours. ↗ leads to the work, «find» searches for one we have no id for yet.

  1. Alexiadou, Artemis & Elena Anagnostopoulou. 2004. Voice morphology in the causative-inchoative alternation: Evidence for a non-unified structural analysis of unaccusatives. In Artemis Alexiadou, Elena Anagnostopoulou & Martin Everaert (eds.), The unaccusativity puzzle: Explorations of the syntax-lexicon interface, 114–136. Oxford: Oxford University Press. find
  2. Alexiadou, Artemis, Elena Anagnostopoulou & Florian Schäfer. 2006. The properties of anticausatives crosslinguistically. In Mara Frascarelli (ed.), Phases of interpretation, 187–211. Berlin/New York: Mouton de Gruyter. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9783110197723.4.187 Bates, Douglas, Martin Maechler, Benjamin M. Bolker & Steven Walker. 2015. Fitting linear mixed-effects models using lme4. ArXiv e-print; in press, Journal of Statistical Software. http://arxiv.org/abs/1406.5823. ↗
  3. Beavers, John & Andrew Koontz-Garboden. 2011. In defense of the reflexivization analysis of the anticausativization. Lingua 131. 199–216. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j. lingua.2012.10.009 Chierchia, Gennaro. 2004. A semantics for unaccusatives and its syntactic consequences. In Artemis Alexiadou, Elena Anagnostopoulou & Martin Everaert (eds.), The unaccusativity puzzle: Explorations of the syntax-lexicon interface, 22–59. Oxford: Oxford University Press. (first circulated in 1989). DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof: oso/9780199257652.003.0002 Doron, Edit. 2003. Agency and voice: The semantics of the Semitic templates. Natural Language Semantics 11. 1–67. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1023/A:1023021423453 ↗
  4. Fodor, Jerry A. 1970. Three reasons for not deriving “kill” from “cause to die”. Linguistic Inquiry 1. 429–38. find
  5. Grimshaw, Jane. 1982. On the lexical representation of Romance reflexive clitics. In Joan Bresnan (ed.), The mental representation of grammatical relations, 87–148. Cambridge MA: MIT press. find
  6. Haspelmath, Martin. 1990. The grammaticization of passive voice. Studies in Language 13.25–72. find
  7. Haspelmath, Martin. 1993. More on the typology of inchoative/causative verb alternations. In Bernard Comrie & Maria Polinsky (eds.), Causatives and transitivity, 87–120. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins. find
  8. Haspelmath, Martin. 2005. Universals of causative verb formation. LSA institute class handout, August 2, 2005. Cambridge, MA. find
  9. Haspelmath, Martin. 2008a. Frequency vs. iconicity in explaining grammatical a symmetries. Cognitive Linquistics 19. 40–63. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/COG.2008.001 ↗
  10. Haspelmath, Martin. 2008b. A frequentist explanation of some universals of reflexive marking. Linguistic Discovery 6(1). 1–33. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1349/PS1.1537-0852.A.331 ↗
  11. Hellan, Lars. 1988. Anaphora in Norwegian and the theory of grammar (Studies in Generative Grammar 32) Dordrecht: Foris. find
  12. Hestvik, Arild. 1991. Subjectless binding domains. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 9(3). 455–496. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/BF00135355 ↗
  13. Horn, Laurence. 1985. Metalinguistic negation and pragmatic ambiguity. Language (61). 121–174. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/413423 ↗
  14. Horvath, Julia & Tal Siloni. 2011a. Anticausatives: Against reflexivisation. Lingua 121. 2176–2186. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.lingua.2011.09.006 ↗
  15. Horvath, Julia & Tal Siloni. 2011b. Causatives across components. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 29. 657–704. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11049-011-9135-3 ↗
  16. Horvath, Julia & Tal Siloni. 2013. Anticausatives have no cause(r): a rejoinder to beavers & koontz-garboden. Lingua 131. 217–230. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.lingua.2013.02.013 ↗
  17. Koontz-Garboden, Andrew. 2009. Anticausativization. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 27. 77–138. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11049-008-9058-9 ↗
  18. Levin, Beth & Malka Rappaport Hovav. 1995. Unaccusativity: At the syntax-lexical semantics interface. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. find
  19. Lidz, Jeffrey. 1999. Causativity, late insertion and the projection of vP. In Liina Pylkanen, Angeliek van Hout & Heidi Harley (eds.), Papers from the upenn/mit roundtable on the lexicon, 117–136. Cambridge, MA: MIT Working papers in Linguistics 35. find
  20. Lundquist, Björn. 2013. On inter-individual variation and mid-distance binding in Swedish. Working Papers in Scandinavian Syntax 91. 113–146. find
  21. Lundquist, Björn. 2014. Mid-distance binding: binding into infinitival clauses. Nordic Atlas of Language Structures (NALS) Journal 1. 112–121. find
  22. Mathôt, Sebastiaan, Daniel Schreij & Jan Theeuwes. 2012. Opensesame: An open-source, graphical experiment builder for the social sciences. Behavior Research Methods 44(2). 314–324. Doi:10.3758/s13428-011-0168-7. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.3758/s13428-011-0168-7 ↗
  23. Nedjalkov, Vladimir & Georgij Silnitsky. 1973. The typology of morphological and lexical causatives. In Ferenc Kiefer (ed.), Trends in soviet theoretical linguistics, 1–32. Dordrecht: D. Reidel Publishing. find
  24. Ramchand, Gillian. 2008. Verb meaning and the lexicon: A first phase syntax. Cambridge: Cambridge University press. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511486319 ↗
  25. Reinhart, Tanya & Tal Siloni. 2005. The lexicon-syntax parameter: Reflexivization and other arity operations. Linguistic Inquiry 36(3). 389–436. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/0024389054396881 Schäfer, Florian. 2008. The syntax of (anti-)causatives: External arguments in change-of-state contexts. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/la.126 ↗
  26. Schäfer, Florian & Margot Vivanco. 2015. Reflexively marked anticausatives are not semantically reflexive. In Enoch Aboh, Aafke Hulk, Jeannette Schaeffer & Petra Sleeman (eds.), Romance languages and linguistic theory 2013: Selected papers from ‘Going Romance’ Amsterdam 2013, 203–220. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/rllt.8.11sch ↗
  27. Wolff, Phillip. 2003. Direct causation in the linguistic coding and individuation of causal verbs. Cognition 88(1). 1–48. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/S0010-0277(03)00004-0 ↗
  28. How to cite this article: Lundquist, Björn, Martin Corley, Mai Tungseth, Antonella Sorace and Gillian Ramchand. 2016. Anticausatives are semantically reflexive in Norwegian, but not in English. Glossa: a journal of general linguistics 1(1): 47. 1–30, DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5334/gjgl.158 ↗ our card
  29. Published: 29 November 2016 find
  30. Copyright: © 2016 The Author(s). This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License (CC-BY 4.0), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. See http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/. Glossa: a journal of general linguistics is a peer-reviewed open access journal published by Ubiquity Press. OPEN ACCESS ↗

This page in Markdown → https://md.mova.elamur.ai/free/en/docs/papers/lundquist-2016-anticausatives-are-semantically-reflexive-norwegian/