📰 Dili · page 2

Portuguese Timor became a full part of Portugal in 1951, although despite being made citizens of Portugal this did not bring the locals any political power.105 Governance remained in the control of Lisbon.106 The Portuguese Overseas Organic Law of 1963 created the first Legislative Council of the territory, which was given some of the powers formerly held by the governor.107 It also theoretically extended voting rights to the 'uncivilised', although property and tax requirements meant most were still unable to vote.[9]108

The 1974 Carnation Revolution in Portugal created immediate change in East Timor, with new political parties forming with the goal of independence from Portugal.109 Relationships between these new parties was fractious.110 Some, particularly the Timorese Democratic Union (UDT), advocated union with Indonesia.[4]111 On 11 August 1975, the UDT initiated a coup.[3]112 UDT control was limited outside of Dili, and on 20 August the opposing Fretilin party began its attempt to seize the city.113 Some houses were set on fire to assist the defence; however, after some days Fretilin succeeded in taking control of the city.[19]114 The last Portuguese governor fled Dili for Atauro Island on 26 August, as the civil war continued.[3][4]115 On 28 November, Fretilin declared independence in a ceremony in Dili.116 On 7 December, Indonesia landed paratroopers in the city and amphibious forces to its west, as part of an invasion of East Timor,[19] leading many to flee the city.[20]117

This invasion brought the territory under Indonesian rule.118 On 17 July 1976, Indonesia annexed East Timor, which it designated its 27th province.[4]119 Indonesia continued to administer the territory from Dili, continuing formerly Portuguese use of places such as the Balide Comarca prison and Lahane Hospital.[21]120 Despite Indonesian attempts to restrict rural-urban migration, the population of Dili continued to grow, reaching 80,000 people in 1985, and over 100,000 in 1999, and economic growth for the territory remained centred in Dili.[1]121 Part of the internal migration was due to people fleeing the continuing conflict in rural areas.[18][21]122 Indonesia developed the city's infrastructure, partly as an attempt to win over the population.123 Structures and monuments built during this time include the Immaculate Conception Cathedral, the Integration Statue commemorating the end of Portuguese rule, and the Cristo Rei of Dili.[22]124 Nonetheless, many in the city continued to support the Fretilin-led resistance, providing a communications link between the rebels and the rest of the world, and setting up safe houses in the city.125 Others who supported Indonesian rule became informants, known as mau'hu.[21]126 By the 1990s, urban sprawl had taken up much of the available flat land around the original settlement.[17]127

In the 1980s, resistance to Indonesian rule grew among youth in the city.[1]128 Nonetheless, towards the end of the decade Indonesia began allowing foreign tourists access to the city, with the entire province previously being restricted.[7]129 A visit by Pope John Paul II in 1989 was interrupted by independence activists.[4][23]130 On 12 November 1991, Indonesian forces were filmed shooting at a funeral procession.131 This led to global condemnation of Indonesia's rule in East Timor, increasing pressure for East Timorese self-determination.[3]132 The 1997 Asian financial crisis along with a drought related to an El Niño event led to profound food insecurity, worse for Dili than any other city in Indonesia.133 The crisis also precipitated the resignation of Indonesian President Suharto, whose successor, B. J. Habibie, soon approved a referendum on East Timorese independence.[1]134 Outbreaks of violence from pro-Indonesian militia occurred throughout the country in the months leading up to the vote.[4]135 In August 1999, East Timor voted for independence.[1]136

The vote led to a period of extreme violence, as pro-Indonesian militia were unchecked by the Indonesian military that was meant to be providing security.137 On 4 September, when the result was announced, Indonesian police began to leave Dili.[24]138 In the first 48 hours, international media organisations present in the city reported 145 deaths.139 Most foreigners were evacuated.[4]140 Violence continued for several days,[24] causing significant damage to infrastructure and housing in the city.[3][25]141 Administrative buildings were looted,[26] and much of the city was destroyed by fire.142 120,000 people became refugees.[27]143 International pressure grew for an international peacekeeping force to replace the Indonesian military, which Indonesia agreed to on 12 September.144 On 14 September, the UN evacuated refugees that had been sheltering in its Dili compound to Australia.145 The Australian-led International Force East Timor arrived on 20 September.[24]146

Growth under UN rule and independence

Dili continued to grow under UN rule.147 As Indonesian infrastructure investment outside of Dili was not replicated by the UN government, leaving it to deteriorate, population growth was driven in part due to internal migration from these areas to the city.[1]148 Housing left abandoned by Indonesians in 1999 was occupied by squatters.149 This was most common in the western areas of the city.[28]150 Most inward migration during this period was from eastern areas of the country.[1]151 Population growth combined with a poor economy led to an increase of urban poverty and unemployment, especially amongst youth.[1]152 This was despite the city reaping 80% of the economic benefits of reconstruction efforts; 65% of direct jobs created by the UN were in Dili, a figure that rose to 80% when including indirect jobs.[1]153

Following the beginning of UN rule, the population of Dili grew by over 10% annually.154 This was a result of both rural-urban migration, and a baby boom driven by the country having the highest fertility rate in the world.155 By 2004, the population had reached 173,541 people,[1] with unemployment at 26.9% overall, and 43.4% for men aged 15–29.156 Around half of employment for these young men was informal.[1]157 In 2005 a new urban master plan was developed by a group based in the Faculty of Architecture of the Technical University of Lisbon.[18]158 Issues with food security reoccurred periodically throughout the early years of independence.[1]159 From 1990 to 2014, agricultural use of the flat land around Dili is thought to have decreased by around 40%, replaced by horticulture and aquaculture in the east and by urban areas in the west.160 Wetlands have also further decreased, drained and built upon.[29]161

By 2006, Dili produced half of the country's non-oil GDP.[1]162 It was also receiving two-thirds of government expenditure, and 80% of goods and services.[1]163 However, economic benefits were distributed unequally.164 1999 saw the end of Indonesian subsidises of core food products, which alongside infrastructure destruction led to rapid inflation.165 Under UN rule, the use of the US dollar and the purchasing power of international organisations led to price increases.166 Together, these factors led to extremely high costs of living.167 Electricity cost four times as much as it did in Indonesia, averaging $15 per household.168 Telecommunications and petrol similarly grew in price compared to Indonesia.169 By 2006 Dili had the eighth-highest living costs of any city in Asia, despite the country's having Asia's lowest GDP.[1]170 At this point, the city had around 300 youth groups, some of which were involved in the informal economy.[1]171 These groups, driven by unemployment, were often connected to former guerrillas and current politicians.[1]172 Many developed identities reflecting the regional origins of their members, especially with regards to the broad distinction between those from the east and those from the west.[1]173

In April 2006, disputes within the military between a leadership mostly from the east of the country and soldiers mostly from the west spilled over into street violence in Dili.[1]174 Disputes over housing, again mostly between groups from the east and west, contributed to property destruction.[30]175 Most of the 150,000 people displaced were from Dili,[31] including about half of the city's residents.[31]176 Around 72,000 people ended up in camps, while 80,000 fled to rural areas.[1]177 Rice prices in the city increased by half by October 2006, and then almost doubled again by February 2007.[1]178 Foreign military intervention was needed to restore order.[1]179

A National Recovery Strategy was put in place following the 2007 national election to return these people.[31]180 In 2008, around 30,000 people displaced from Dili remained in camps, while 70,000 continued to live with friends or family.[20]181 Continuing unrest led to the attempted assassinations of the country's president and prime minister.[22]182 By 2009 most displaced people had returned to the city, and the camps were officially closed by the end of the year.183 However, some community tensions remained.[31][20]184 In a couple of areas, there were two or three fights a week between opposing youth groups.[31]185 Nonetheless, large-scale violence did not return.186 Mediation teams were utilised to assist in the resettlement of some displaced people to their previous homes.[20]187

In May 2009, the year-long Dili City of Peace campaign was launched by Jose Ramos-Horta.188 The initiative was created to build unity and prevent violence, with the 2006 East Timorese crisis in mind.189 The campaign included dialogues between different sectors of Timorese society, a cycling tour, a Dili marathon, and a reforestation initiative.[32][33]190 Focusing the peace campaign on Dili reflects the influence it has on the entire country, with the government expecting its impacts would extend beyond the city itself.[34]191 The Latelek (Bridge) Project was instituted from 2010 to 2012 by some organs of the Catholic Church to improve community cohesion, reintegrating previously displaced individuals with those who had remained.[31]192 Other programs were initiated by the government and NGOs to tackle issues such as skills development, youth engagement, and women's empowerment.193 Some sucos developed community laws to reduce violence.[31]194

The development of the city since independence has led to many sites being replaced or repurposed.195 In 2009 the area around the Indonesian-built Integration Monument was redesignated as the 5 May Park, the date upon which it was agreed East Timor could hold its independence referendum.196 A 1960s hotel, Hotel Turismo, which had been a site of independence activities, was demolished in 2010 and rebuilt.197 The former Dili regency police headquarters has been demolished and replaced by the cultural centre of the Indonesian embassy.[21]198 By 2010 the municipal population reached 234,026 people,[34] of which 210,250 lived in urban areas.[35]199 In 2018 the population reached 281,000 people.[36]200 During a period of COVID-19 restrictions, the city was hit by the worst flood in 50 years in April 2021.[37]201

Geography

Dili lies on the northern coast of the island of Timor, which is among the eastern Lesser Sunda Islands[38] and lies in the UTC+9 timezone.[36]202 Offshore is the Ombai Strait of the Savu Sea.[11][17]203 To the south is the central mountain range running through Timor,[1] which extends north to the coast on the west and east surrounding the core city.[17]204 The underlying ground is predominately limestone and marine clay.[39]205

The precise location of the city is around 8°35′S, 125°36′E.[36] The city lies mostly within the larger Dili Municipality, whose total area was 367 km2[39] when including Atauro Island, north of Dili, which was formerly part of the municipality[11] before becoming a separate municipality on 1 January 2022.[40]206 The municipalities bordering Dili are Aileu, Liquiçá, and Manatuto.[11]207 The municipality contains 31 sucos, divided into 241 aldeias.[17][41]208 The urban area of the city of Dili extends through four of the Dili Municipality's Administrative Posts, Cristo Rei, Dom Aleixo, Nain Feto, and Vera Cruz.209 18 sucos within these are considered urban, and this urban area is perhaps 48 km2 large.[29]210 The wider urban area extends west into the Tibar suco of the Bazartete Administrative Post in the Liquiçá Municipality.211 The combined area of all sucos within the urban region is 17862 ha,[17] however this includes terrain considered too steep for habitation,[17] with only perhaps 37%, or 6698 ha, flat enough for development.[17]212 As of 2014, only 25.5% of the total area was developed.[17]213

The main city lies within an area of flat lowlands of less than 100m altitude,[39] mostly between 0 and 60m,[29] and a slope under 15 degrees.[17]214 This includes an alluvial plain, and a number of beaches line the coast.[6]215 The soil underneath this plain is quaternary alluvium.[29]216 The distance between the sea and the mountains reaches a maximum width of only 4 km,[17] and the surrounding mountains slope near the city at angles of 20 degrees or higher.[39]217 On either side of the core urban area are mountain ridges extending from the southern range to the coast, leading to urban development spilling over onto areas of flat land on the other sides of these spurs.218 Tibar lies on the opposite site of the western range, while Hera lies on the opposite side of the eastern range.[17]219 Another spur encloses Hera on its east.[42]220